The American Strain: Trump and the Enduring Creed of White Supremacy

CAMDEN, NJ – To understand Donald Trump, to truly grasp the fervor of the “Make America Great Again” movement, requires a confrontation with a deeply unsettling but irrefutable historical truth: Trump is not an aberration, but an archetype. He is the contemporary embodiment of a classic American figure, whose political power flows directly from the nation’s oldest and most potent strain—a white supremacist ideology that has been intertwined with concepts of democracy and liberty since the nation’s founding. On one hand, the anguish felt by many white Americans today as they witness the MAGA movement’s explicit racism is the anguish of a myth being shattered, the painful awakening from a national narrative that has systematically obscured this foundational reality. Black people, on the other hand, have lived through this movie since 1619.

The Indelible Thread: From Frontier to Empire

The doctrines that birthed the American nation-state were, from their inception, racial in character. Manifest Destiny, the Monroe Doctrine, and the White Man’s Burden are not separate chapters but sequential verses in the same epic poem of Anglo-Saxon supremacy.

Manifest Destiny, framed as a divine mandate to “overspread the continent,” was a theological and racial justification for genocide and land theft, casting Native Americans as “merciless Indian Savages” and Mexicans as obstacles to a providentially-ordained white nation. This was not mere expansion; it was ethnic cleansing codified as national mission. Historical records reveal a staggering decline from an estimated 5-15 million Native Americans prior to 1492 to fewer than 238,000 by the close of the 19th century. This represents a population collapse exceeding 96% over four centuries, driven by a combination of warfare, displacement, and disease, all facilitated by racist/white supremacist government policies.

The Monroe Doctrine established the Western Hemisphere as a U.S. sphere of influence, a policy enforced not through diplomatic parity but through a paternalistic belief in the racial and political superiority of the United States over its non-white neighbors. It transformed Latin America into a backyard where military and economic intervention was naturalized, a logical extension of continental conquest onto a hemispheric stage.

The White Man’s Burden provided the humanitarian gloss for overseas empire, framing the brutal colonization of the Philippines and Puerto Rico as a noble, sacrificial duty to civilize “sullen peoples, half-devil and half-child.” It was the export of a domestic ideology, declaring entire populations unfit for self-rule—the same belief that undergirded slavery at home.

These were not fringe ideas but the central engines of national policy, creating a powerful national identity where whiteness was synonymous with sovereignty, virtue, and the right to dominate.

The Great Mis-Education: A Mythology of Innocence

How, then, does a nation built on such explicit racial hierarchy produce citizens who recoil at the explicit racism of a Trump rally? The answer lies in a profound and intentional mis-education.

The American creed presented in textbooks and national myth is a carefully curated edit. It is a story of democracy and liberty, of Pilgrims and pioneers, that systematically decouples these ideals from the racial tyranny that financed and facilitated them. The genocide of Indigenous peoples is minimized to “conflict” or “westward expansion.” The enslavement of millions is segregated into a single tragic chapter, rather than understood as the engine of early American capital. Imperial conquests are framed as benevolent “foreign policy.”

This creates a duplicitous national consciousness. Americans are taught to venerate the Declaration of Independence’s promise of equality while being insulated from the fact that its principal author and most early beneficiaries envisioned that equality exclusively for white men. We celebrate a “melting pot” culture—shaped by Indigenous, African, Latin American, and Asian influences—while the political power to define the nation has been fiercely guarded as a white prerogative. This selective history is a powerful anesthetic. It allows generations to inherit the privileges of a racial caste system while believing fervently in their own nation’s inherent innocence and moral exceptionalism. It makes racism seem like a deviation, a “sin” we are overcoming, rather than the core organizing principle we have continuously refined.

Trump: The Unvarnished Tradition

Donald Trump’s political genius—and his profound traditionalism—lies in his rejection of the anesthetic. He does not traffic in the coded “dog whistles” of late-20th-century politics; he uses a bullhorn, reactivating the unfiltered language and logic of America’s racial id.

His rhetoric is a direct echo of past doctrines. Labeling Mexican immigrants “rapists” and “animals” and African nations “shithole countries” is the dehumanizing language of Manifest Destiny and the White Man’s Burden, applied to modern migration 

. His central promise of a “big, beautiful wall” is a 21st-century racial frontier, a physical monument to the belief that the national body must be purified of non-white “infestation.”

Table: The Ideological Lineage from Doctrine to Trump

Historical DoctrineCore Racial LogicModern Trump-Era Manifestation
Manifest DestinyDivine right to displace “savage” non-white peoples from desired land.The border wall as a new frontier; rhetoric of immigrant “invasion” and “infestation.”
Monroe DoctrineHemispheric dominance and paternalistic intervention over non-white nations.“America First” isolationism that rejects multilateralism while asserting unilateral military/economic power.
White Man’s BurdenThe “civilizing” mission justifies domination over supposedly inferior peoples.Framing immigration bans and harsh policies as protecting American civilization from “shithole countries.”

His policies operationalize this ideology. The Muslim Ban, the crushing of asylum protocols, and the threat to end birthright citizenship are not simply strict immigration measures; they are efforts to legally redefine who belongs to the American nation along racial and religious lines. His administration’s systematic rollback of civil rights protections, from voting rights to LGBTQ+ safeguards, and its dismantling of diversity, equity, and inclusion programs are a direct assault on the fragile infrastructure of multiracial democracy built since the 1960s.

Most tellingly, his adventurous and aggressive militarism—from threatening “fire and fury” against North Korea to deploying federal troops against predominantly Black cities like Washington D.C. and Chicago under the pretext of crime emergencies—reveals the intrinsic link between white supremacy at home and imperial aggression abroad. As academic research confirms, support for militarized foreign policy among white Americans is strongly correlated with racial resentment, viewing non-white nations and peoples as inherent threats or legitimate targets for domination. Trump’s “America First” bellicosity is not an isolationist retreat but a reassertion of a racialized nationalism that sees the world as a hostile arena of competition against lesser peoples.

The Second Backlash and the Crisis of White Identity

Trumpism is the vehicle for a second great white backlash, a historical bookend to the first backlash that destroyed the multiracial democracy of Reconstruction after the Civil War. That first backlash, powered by the Klan, “Lost Cause” mythology, and Northern complicity, re-established white rule through terror and Jim Crow.

The current backlash, ignited by the Civil Rights Movement and supercharged by the election of Barack Obama, seeks to roll back the democratic gains of the past sixty years. Its fuel is white grievance—a pervasive fear among some white Americans that demographic change and racial equity represent a loss of status, a zero-sum dispossession . Slogans like “Take Our Country Back” and the defensive cry of “All Lives Matter” are the modern lexicon of this backlash, inverting reality to frame the pursuit of equality as an unfair attack on a threatened majority

.This is the source of the anguish for well-intentioned white Americans. They were raised on the edited, duplicitous creed. They believed in a forward-moving arc of progress. To see the naked brutality of racism not only re-emerge but be cheered from the highest podium shatters that narrative. The difficulty is in reconciling their own identity with the realization that the “greatness” many are nostalgic for was, for others, a regime of explicit subjugation. It is the pain of realizing that the comforting national myth is a lie, and that a more honest, more brutal history is demanding reconciliation.

Conclusion: Facing the Unbroken Line

Donald Trump is a classic American figure because he channels the nation’s most enduring political tradition: the mobilization of white racial anxiety to consolidate power and resist the expansion of a truly pluralistic democracy. He has ripped away the veneer of the mis-educating myth, revealing the unbroken line from the Puritan city on a hill to the MAGA rally.

To argue that this is not “real” America is to indulge in the very fantasy that enabled it. Racism and white supremacy are not un-American; they are as American as apple pie, woven into the fabric of our institutions, our geography, and our national story. The democratic ideals we rightly cherish have always coexisted in tension—and often in outright conflict—with this hierarchy. The struggle of the 21st century is not to defeat a foreign intrusion, but to finally sever this entrenched lineage. It begins by abandoning the comforting lie of national innocence and confronting, at last, the difficult truth of who we have been, and therefore, who we risk remaining.

Get Down or Lay Down: Trump’s Foreign Policy and the JBM Playbook

By Delgreco K. Wilson

January 8, 2026

CAMDEN, NJ – In the annals of international diplomacy, the notion of a U.S. president seriously threatening to purchase or seize a vast, self-governing territory from a NATO ally would have been relegated to the realm of dark satire. Yet, as the Trump administration openly discusses offering Greenlanders individual cash payments or contemplating military force to “acquire” the island, we are witnessing a foreign policy doctrine stripped of diplomatic veneer. This crude transactional approach—where sovereignty is a commodity and alliances are obstacles—finds a disturbing parallel not in the halls of traditional statecraft, but in the violent, coercive tactics of Philadelphia organized crime. To understand the logic now emanating from Washington, one need look no further than the ruthless playbook of Philadelphia’s infamous Junior Black Mafia (JBM) and its mythologized street boss, Aaron Jones.

Both paradigms operate on a foundational principle: power is asserted not through legitimate authority or mutual benefit, but through the demonstration of overwhelming force and the calculated application of fear. For the JBM, whose motto was chillingly reported as “Get down or lay down,” control of the cocaine trade was enforced through intimidation and brutal violence. The Trump administration’s Greenland scheme, which Danish officials have labeled a threat requiring a defense of “the fundamental principles of the UN Charter and international law,” operates on a similarly crude binary. The offer of payments—reported to be between $10,000 and $100,000 per individual—is the “get down” option, a lavish but coercive inducement. The explicit refusal to rule out military action, chillingly underscored by the recent abduction of Venezuela’s president, is the “lay down” ultimatum made to an entire nation and its allies. The message is clear: acquiesce to the transaction or face the consequences.

Aaron Jones, JBM

The Godfather Fantasy: Cultivating Power Through Persona

The parallel extends into the realm of cultivated image. Aaron Jones was said to be obsessed with “The Godfather,” consciously molding his persona after Don Vito Corleone to command a mix of fear, respect, and loyalty on the streets of Philadelphia. He became a legendary figure, a “death before dishonor icon” whose name carried immense weight. This careful construction of an untouchable, dominant persona is a core tactic of gangsterism.

Similarly, the Trump administration’s foreign policy is deeply performative, centered on projecting an image of uncompromising strength and deal-making prowess. The public fixation on Greenland—a large, mineral-rich asset—is not subtle geopolitics; it is a power flex, a demonstration of America’s ability to rearrange the map to its liking. As analysts note, this aligns with a 19th-century “great power politics” mindset, where spheres of influence are dictated by strength alone. By floating the military option against a NATO ally, the administration cultivates an aura of unpredictability and ruthlessness designed to make other nations capitulate to lesser demands, much like a neighborhood bully establishes dominance.

The Illusion of Voluntary Association and the Reality of Coercion

A key tactic in both playbooks is dressing coercion in the garb of voluntary choice. The JBM, at its height, was adept at creating legitimate business fronts—from video stores to security firms—to launder money and project a façade of normal enterprise. The Trump administration’s preferred narrative frames the Greenland proposal as a potential “Compact of Free Association,” akin to agreements with Pacific nations. This suggests a partnership between consenting parties.

However, this illusion shatters against the reality of Greenlandic self-determination. Polls consistently show that while a majority of Greenlanders favor eventual independence from Denmark, an overwhelming 85% prefer remaining with Denmark over joining the United States. The island’s political future is a careful, democratically managed process defined by its 2009 Self-Government Act, which outlines a path to independence that must be approved by its people and the Danish parliament. The U.S. offer of cash payments is a blatant attempt to bypass and corrupt this sovereign process, treating citizenship and national allegiance as an individual financial transaction rather than a collective democratic will. It is a hostile takeover bid, not a friendly merger.

Table: Contrasting Visions for Greenland’s Future

The Cost of “Respect” and the End of Alliances

Ultimately, the gangster’s quest for “respect” is a zero-sum game that destroys the community it purports to lead. The JBM’s reign contributed to the devastation of Philadelphia’s crack era. The Trump doctrine, as applied to Greenland, threatens to incinerate the very foundations of the post-war international order. Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has stated unequivocally that a U.S. attack on Greenland would mean the end of “everything,” including NATO. European leaders have issued a unified rebuke, stating security rests on the “inviolability of borders”.

The administration’s justification—that Greenland is “covered with Russian and Chinese ships” and is a national security necessity—has been widely questioned by security experts. The U.S. already maintains the strategic Pituffik Space Base on the island under a defense agreement with Denmark. The real driver appears to be a desire for absolute control over territory, resources, and shipping routes, framed within a new “Donroe Doctrine” of regional dominance. Like a gangster who confuses fear for respect, this approach fails to see that true strength and security are built on reliable partnerships, not shattered alliances.

Conclusion: From the Streets to the World Stage

The comparison between a Philadelphia drug crew and the foreign policy of a global superpower is jarring because it should be unthinkable. Yet, the Trump administration’s maneuvers on Greenland reveal a logic that has abandoned diplomacy for intimidation, mutual security for unilateral gain, and international law for the law of the jungle. Aaron Jones’s JBM is a chapter in the history of Philadelphia’s organized crime. The method of governance it represents—coercion, transactional loyalty, and performative violence—must not become the blueprint for American statecraft.

The people of Greenland have a clear message for those who would try to purchase their homeland or seize it by force: “Greenland is not for sale, and Greenland never will be for sale”. It is a statement of dignified sovereignty that deserves more than a gangster’s reply. The world must hope that in the meeting between U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Danish officials next week, the language of diplomacy, law, and alliance can still prevail over the ultimatum to “get down or lay down”. The future of the transatlantic world may depend on it.

New Age Isaiah Montgomery: Black MAGA Supporters

CAMDEN, NJ – In today’s America, as a divided nation navigates the aftermath of Donald Trump’s presidency, Black support for Trump’s MAGA movement has drawn both curiosity and condemnation. Approximately 22 percent of Black men supported Trump in recent elections, a statistic that shocks and confounds many. The reasons are complex, but this phenomenon carries disturbing echoes of a past dilemma once personified by Isaiah Thornton Montgomery, a Black Mississippi leader who, over a century ago, publicly endorsed Black disenfranchisement. While 99.99 percent of Black Americans may have no awareness of Montgomery’s place in history, the eerie parallel to present-day Black MAGA supporters raises troubling questions about compromise, survival, and political self-identity amidst a resurgent wave of White backlash.

The roots of Black conservatism today are as varied as they were in Montgomery’s time. The question, though, is not simply why some Black men align with the MAGA agenda, but whether today’s political landscape is producing contemporary Isaiahs: figures within the Black community who, consciously or unconsciously, may view alignment with right-wing movements as a pragmatic strategy for survival and advancement in an era of unprecedented polarization. With inadequate education around Black history in America’s schools, many Black citizens lack the knowledge to contextualize our current political landscape within the longer arc of racial struggle. Few are aware that today’s MAGA movement fits into a history of White backlash against perceived gains by Black Americans and other marginalized groups.

The similarity with Isaiah T. Montgomery is stark, yet his motivations were distinctly rooted in the brutal world of post-Reconstruction America. Montgomery, founder of the Black community of Mound Bayou and son of an enslaved man-turned-businessman, held an unshakeable belief in Black self-sufficiency. But at the 1890 Mississippi Constitutional Convention, Montgomery shocked the Black community by endorsing provisions like literacy tests and poll taxes, which would bar Black voters from the polls. His reasoning was couched in pragmatism: he argued that appeasing White lawmakers and ceding political ground might allow Black Americans the breathing room to pursue social and economic self-sufficiency without inciting more violent backlash from the White South.

This strategy of appeasement, however, came at a profound cost. By endorsing Black disenfranchisement, Montgomery struck a bargain that some historians argue ultimately weakened the broader fight for Black rights. In his eyes, he may have been choosing a “lesser evil,” hoping to secure a modicum of safety and stability for Black communities. But his compromise helped cement a cycle of disenfranchisement that would haunt Black communities for decades.

Today, MAGA-supporting Black men may claim a similar kind of pragmatism, citing dissatisfaction with Democrats’ failures to deliver economic and social progress and pointing to Trump’s “America First” policies as offering greater personal and economic security. This approach may seem attractive for Black men seeking relief from the relentless churn of systemic racial inequity. Yet we must question whether endorsing a movement openly allied with far-right, White supremacist sentiments—and which has fueled harmful policies on everything from immigration to voting rights—is a sustainable or honorable path forward.

Unlike Montgomery, who likely felt he had no choice but to make a Faustian bargain in a violent, oppressive environment, Black MAGA supporters today choose to align with a movement that has often diminished the Black struggle for justice and equality. That choice, whether motivated by frustration with establishment politics, belief in economic “bootstraps” rhetoric, or disillusionment with the left, serves to reinforce a coalition that has actively suppressed minority voting rights and eroded protections against racial discrimination.

Montgomery’s legacy, for all its flaws, at least left behind a vision of Black self-sufficiency through the community of Mound Bayou. His compromise, though painful, was aimed at preserving a sanctuary for Black Americans to thrive away from hostile White dominance. Black MAGA supporters, on the other hand, stake their political future on a movement that has often used their voices to validate policies that threaten the very social progress on which Black Americans rely.

The alignment of any segment of Black America with the MAGA agenda suggests a critical need for education around this country’s cyclical racial history. The disconnection from history—the “woeful inadequacy” of Black history as it is taught in American schools—prevents a clear understanding of today’s political dynamics as part of a long, repeated arc of White backlash. Without awareness of figures like Montgomery or the political choices forced on Black Americans throughout history, many fail to see how Black support of MAGA could lead to similar long-term disenfranchisement.

To be clear, the issue is not the political party of one’s allegiance, but the agenda one chooses to endorse. Black support for MAGA is not simply a divergence in political opinion; it is a move that could ultimately lend support to a movement in direct opposition to Black political and social progress. In this moment, we need more awareness, more connection to history, and, most crucially, a unified sense of purpose. Rather than aligning with those who would turn back the clock on civil rights and equality, today’s Black Americans should look toward alliances that strengthen—not weaken—the collective foundation of our community.

Isaiah Montgomery’s choices were not ideal, but they are instructive. Let us hope that modern Black MAGA supporters will learn from his compromises and understand that the consequences of such alignment often echo far beyond individual gain, shaping the freedoms—or restrictions—of future generations.